As Sri Lanka negotiates the detritus of a long and tragic ethnic conflict, huge challenges loom over the tentative reconciliation process. B&E’s Surabh Kumar Shahi reports from Vavuniya
Ponnambalam Ramanathan was part of Sri Lanka’s tragic war. It was a long time ago. He is now part of the wobbly peace now. Four years ago, a LTTE veteran of ten years, he accompanied a small assault team that detonated a bomb inside the office of a political entity which was a constituent of the government alliance then. Ramanathan does not remember exactly how many were killed. He just remembers that no one was left. He killed two people.
Sitting inside a rehabilitation camp in a suburb of Colombo, he does not want to recall those days. He surrendered in 2006 outside and promptly threw away the cyanide capsule that any LTTE cadre, was supposed to swallow to evade arrest. He is now learning carpentry and is almost impervious to any emotions. But he regrets the violence.
Such optimism seems misplaced in today’s Sri Lanka. To overwhelm the LTTE, the regime had augmented the war machine to match the callousness of its opponent. It is now tackling the fallout of that war. As it confronts accusations of human rights abuses, the regime tries to alleviate the uncertainty and mistrust among ethnic Tamils after the conflict that lasted close to 30 years. The president, therefore, has an uphill task of reconciliation before him.
In the refugee camps in the North many Tamils are still struggling to survive. Between 150,000 to 300,000 refugees are still there. They somehow managed to survive the last stages of the battle. However, the end of the conflict has triggered questions regarding their future and the odds of co-existence between the Sinhalese and Tamils.
The first step is to allow the remaining refugees to return home. Without this, all talk of reconciliation would be meaningless. Talking to B&E, Wickremabahu Karunaratne, leader of the New Left Front, says, “The government has stressed it has sifted about 10,000 rebels from among the refugees. Then what are the camps for? Let the people return and take the initiative in the peace process.”
The government too understands the issue and is keeping it on its priority list. However, the process is painfully slow and ridden with red-tape. The regime’s non-clarity over their plan to develop and reconstruct the north and east is not helping at all. With the elections out of the way, the regime needs to take local communities and political leaders into confidence before beginning the process of reconstruction. “The military influence over policies and control over the population need to end. Only demilitarisation can lead to confidence-building,” says K Sarweshwaran, a political scientist based in Colombo. The regime must also allay fears that demographic changes could dilute the Tamil character of the north.
Restoring land comes next. A huge section of the Tamils sent out of the IDP camps have not returned home nor have they been resettled. Instead, they have been sent to “transit centres” in their respective home districts. These are essentially schools, government buildings and places of worship which are far away from any means of livelihood. Also, the homes of many of these Tamils were either partially damaged or fully destroyed during the conflict. And most of these houses have also been relieved of household items and any items of value. The regime must come up with adequate compensation so that the people might restart their life.
Return of agricultural land will be another essential step. But there are teething problems. Large tracts of farmland, riddled with land-mines laid by the LTTE, are yet to be de-mined. Farming is impossible on these plots. Even in areas that have been officially de-mined, the exercise had been done only up to “battlefield use” standards, not up to “humanitarian” standards.
The government on its part has done a few things that will help mend ties. For example, the allotment of rice for the northern and eastern region has been increased so that till the time agriculture is impossible, there is a constant supply of rice. Also, the government and financial institutions have decided to reduce interest rates and taxes on loans in these regions. This will encourage investors as well as bring in much-needed change in infrastructure in the area. Tender for a new railway line connecting the region with other parts of the country has already been floated. In some of the sections, the work has already started. All these initiatives are part of the regime''s “Northern Spring” initiative.
Strengthening of democratic institutions would be equally crucial. Sarath Fernando, moderator of the Movement of Lands and Agriculture Reform, told B&E, “A country needs strong democratic institutions for confidence building. We are no exception.” A strong independent media is the need of the hour. One of the conflict’s casualties has been an independent press that can openly criticise both the parties without any fear of retribution. Sri Lanka’s ranking in a press-freedom index has slid in recent years as prominent journalists critical to both the Rajapaksa political family and the LTTE have been assaulted, threatened and even killed.
Ponnambalam Ramanathan was part of Sri Lanka’s tragic war. It was a long time ago. He is now part of the wobbly peace now. Four years ago, a LTTE veteran of ten years, he accompanied a small assault team that detonated a bomb inside the office of a political entity which was a constituent of the government alliance then. Ramanathan does not remember exactly how many were killed. He just remembers that no one was left. He killed two people.
Sitting inside a rehabilitation camp in a suburb of Colombo, he does not want to recall those days. He surrendered in 2006 outside and promptly threw away the cyanide capsule that any LTTE cadre, was supposed to swallow to evade arrest. He is now learning carpentry and is almost impervious to any emotions. But he regrets the violence.
Such optimism seems misplaced in today’s Sri Lanka. To overwhelm the LTTE, the regime had augmented the war machine to match the callousness of its opponent. It is now tackling the fallout of that war. As it confronts accusations of human rights abuses, the regime tries to alleviate the uncertainty and mistrust among ethnic Tamils after the conflict that lasted close to 30 years. The president, therefore, has an uphill task of reconciliation before him.
In the refugee camps in the North many Tamils are still struggling to survive. Between 150,000 to 300,000 refugees are still there. They somehow managed to survive the last stages of the battle. However, the end of the conflict has triggered questions regarding their future and the odds of co-existence between the Sinhalese and Tamils.
The first step is to allow the remaining refugees to return home. Without this, all talk of reconciliation would be meaningless. Talking to B&E, Wickremabahu Karunaratne, leader of the New Left Front, says, “The government has stressed it has sifted about 10,000 rebels from among the refugees. Then what are the camps for? Let the people return and take the initiative in the peace process.”
The government too understands the issue and is keeping it on its priority list. However, the process is painfully slow and ridden with red-tape. The regime’s non-clarity over their plan to develop and reconstruct the north and east is not helping at all. With the elections out of the way, the regime needs to take local communities and political leaders into confidence before beginning the process of reconstruction. “The military influence over policies and control over the population need to end. Only demilitarisation can lead to confidence-building,” says K Sarweshwaran, a political scientist based in Colombo. The regime must also allay fears that demographic changes could dilute the Tamil character of the north.
Restoring land comes next. A huge section of the Tamils sent out of the IDP camps have not returned home nor have they been resettled. Instead, they have been sent to “transit centres” in their respective home districts. These are essentially schools, government buildings and places of worship which are far away from any means of livelihood. Also, the homes of many of these Tamils were either partially damaged or fully destroyed during the conflict. And most of these houses have also been relieved of household items and any items of value. The regime must come up with adequate compensation so that the people might restart their life.
Return of agricultural land will be another essential step. But there are teething problems. Large tracts of farmland, riddled with land-mines laid by the LTTE, are yet to be de-mined. Farming is impossible on these plots. Even in areas that have been officially de-mined, the exercise had been done only up to “battlefield use” standards, not up to “humanitarian” standards.
The government on its part has done a few things that will help mend ties. For example, the allotment of rice for the northern and eastern region has been increased so that till the time agriculture is impossible, there is a constant supply of rice. Also, the government and financial institutions have decided to reduce interest rates and taxes on loans in these regions. This will encourage investors as well as bring in much-needed change in infrastructure in the area. Tender for a new railway line connecting the region with other parts of the country has already been floated. In some of the sections, the work has already started. All these initiatives are part of the regime''s “Northern Spring” initiative.
Strengthening of democratic institutions would be equally crucial. Sarath Fernando, moderator of the Movement of Lands and Agriculture Reform, told B&E, “A country needs strong democratic institutions for confidence building. We are no exception.” A strong independent media is the need of the hour. One of the conflict’s casualties has been an independent press that can openly criticise both the parties without any fear of retribution. Sri Lanka’s ranking in a press-freedom index has slid in recent years as prominent journalists critical to both the Rajapaksa political family and the LTTE have been assaulted, threatened and even killed.
Source : IIPM Editorial, 2012.
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
Prof. Rajita Chaudhuri's Website
domain-b.com : IIPM ranked ahead of IIMs
Arindam Chaudhuri's Portfolio - he is at his candid best by Society Magazine
IIPM Best B School India
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman
IIPM's Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri - A Man For The Society....
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
IIPM B-School Detail
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri
and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
Prof. Rajita Chaudhuri's Website
domain-b.com : IIPM ranked ahead of IIMs
Arindam Chaudhuri's Portfolio - he is at his candid best by Society Magazine
IIPM Best B School India
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri
Rajita Chaudhuri-The New Age Woman
IIPM's Management Consulting Arm-Planman Consulting
Professor Arindam Chaudhuri - A Man For The Society....
IIPM: Indian Institute of Planning and Management
IIPM makes business education truly global
IIPM B-School Detail
